THE EXODUS OF THE LOYALISTS
from
Penobscot to Passamaquoddy
(With Map)*
By
WILBUR H. SIEBERT, A. M.
Professor of European History
Published by
The Ohio State University
Columbus
1914
* The map of the Loyalist Settlements at Passamaquoddy Bay was based on a map in Dr. Ganong's 1904 A Monograph of the Origins of the Settlements in New Brunswick. In order for the image to appear, the file "Passamaquoddy.jpg" must accompany this transcription. — RWH
The Exodus of the Loyalists from
Penobscot to Passamaquoddy
In September, 177S, the British government ordered General
Clinton at New York to secure post on the Penobscot River in
Maine for the purpose of erecting a province to which loyal
adherents of the Crown might repair.1 An earlier post, Fort
Pownall, which had occupied the bold, rocky promontory at
Cape Jellison at the mouth of the Penobscot was no longer in
existence, having been dismantled and burned by the militia
under Colonel James Cargill in July, 1774. For eleven years
previous to its destruction, the old colonial fort had been under
the command of Colonel Thomas Goldthwait, who by his compliance
with an order from General Gage permitted a detachment
greatly outnumbering his own meagre garrison to carry off the
cannon and spare arms of the fort, and thus incurred the censure
of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts Bay, the loss of his
command, and virtual banishment. Colonel Goldthwait deserves
a word of more extended notice on account of the important part
he took in settling and developing the Penobscot Valley. While
in command of Fort Pownall, he was appointed agent for a vast
tract of land belonging to the Waldo heirs in that region.
Later, in conjunction with Sir Francis Bernard, then governor
of the province of Massachusetts Bay, he purchased a part of the
Waldo Patent from General Jebediah Preble, and appears to
have been chiefly instrumental in settling the Penobscot country
with a population which lie estimated at "more than 2,400 able
men."2
Colonel Goldthwait did not participate in establishing the
new post at Penobscot, but remained in retirement there or at
Castine until July, 1779. when he went aboard one of the frigates
of the British fleet that entered Penobscot Bay to lay siege to
Bagaduce. Taking passage on this vessel for New York after
the success of the British expedition, he had the satisfaction of
being borne to his destination by the ship that carried the good
tidings to Clinton. It may be added that Mr. Goldthwait's stay
in New York City lasted only from the early part of September to
December 23, when he took his departure to England, there to
remain during the rest of his life.3
The project of planting a British force on the coast of Maine
had long been cherished by William Knox, a Georgia loyalist,
who was under-secretary in the Colonial Office in London. Knox
argued that it would serve to distract the attention of the
Americans from operations in other quarters, that as a military
and naval base it would protect the country to the east from
attacks by land and sea, and last, but not least, that it would
form the center and bulwark for a new province for the friends
of government, who were leaving the Colonies in ever increasing
numbers, and were already flooding the home authorities
with insistent claims for compensation.4 Lord Germain, Knox's
superior officer, was not easily convinced of the advantage of the
project, but at length was brought around, giving what was evidently
his own chief reason for its approval when he wrote to Governor
Haldimand at Quebec, April 16, 1779, that if the Kennebec,
or even the Penobscot, were secured, it would keep open direct
communication between the Canadian capital and New York at all
seasons, and so do away with the tediousness and delays in correspondence
by way of Halifax. However, this explanation did
not satisfy Haldimand, who still doubted the efficacy of the
measure.5
Meanwhile, Knox was anticipating with evident zest the success
of an expedition yet to move against the coast of Maine, by
arranging the details of the province that was intended to reach
from the Penobscot River to the St. Croix, and become the Canaan
of the refugee loyalists. "Lying between New England and
'New Scotland' (Nova Scotia), it was to be christened New Ireland,
perhaps," as Batchelder suggests in his illuminating study
of the subject,6 "in delicate reference to Knox's own nationality."
With manifest appropriateness, all of the officials of the
proposed province were to be loyalists of high repute, if not, in
every case, of experience in administrative matters: thus, Thomas
Hutchinson was to be governor, Daniel Leonard, chief justice,
Dr. John Caleff, one of the leading tories of Penobscot, clerk of
the council, and the Reverend Henry Caner, formerly of King's
Chapel, Boston, bishop. Although Hutchinson was named as one
of the beneficiaries of the scheme, he wrote from London that it
was a "most preposterous measure," and that but few people
there thought well of it.7
However, as the measure already had the necessary official
approval, it only remained to decide where the post should be
located, and send out the expedition to establish it. These were
important matters, to be sure, and the advice that proved conclusive
in regard to them came, strangely enough, from a
carpenter of Cambridge, Massachusetts, who, having arrived in
England in the fall of 1777, had succeeded in ingratiating himself
with Under-Secretary Knox. This carpenter of surprising
career was John Nutting, who rendered valuable service in his
trade to the British in Boston before the evacuation, and in Halifax
afterward. In the latter place, especially, he had found opportunity
to display his Yankee resourcefulness and ability as "Master
Carpenter and Superintendent of Mechanics," and, despite
the lack of skilled workmen, had performed the feat of erecting
within a limited time "no less than ten large block houses, each
mounting sixteen guns." In England, by direct application to
Lord North, he secured the appointment as overseer to the King's
works at Landguard Fort in East Anglia. His isolation at this
rather remote point on the coast of the North Sea did not prevent
his visiting London occasionally, or keeping himself in the recollection
and esteem of his patron of the Colonial Office. So it
came about that he was called into consultation concerning the
proposed expedition to the Maine coast. As Mr. Nutting had
invested some years before in shore lots in what is now Castine,
across Penobscot Bay and up the Bagaduce River, he must have
been aware of the natural strength and well-recognized strategic
advantages of that locality. When, therefore, he suggested Penobscot
as the best site for the new post, his quality of "uncommon
Loyalty," for which he had received deserved commendation in
Halifax, was not being sacrificed to his self-interest, although the
happy blend of the two must have pleased him in no small degree.
His suggestion was adopted by the King's ministers, and Nutting
was ordered to London to carry Germain's despatches to Clinton
at New York, and accordingly set sail early in September, 1778.
A fortnight out, his vessel, the government mail packet Harriet,
was overtaken by an American privateer, the Vengeance, and
Nutting, rid of his despatches which he sunk in the sea, but
wounded in four places as he later testified, was taken prisoner
with the other people on his ship. In less than two months,
however, the King's messenger was again in London, having
had the good fortune to be exchanged.8
Undaunted, Mr. Nutting undertook a second voyage in January
of the next year, and after fourteen weeks on the ocean was
able to hand detailed instructions to Clinton.9 In compliance
with these orders, the latter directed Brigadier General McLean
at Halifax to carry into effect the plan of fortifying a post on
Penobscot River, and instructed him to prepare materials for a
respectable work capable of accommodating three hundred or
four hundred men. McLean was unable to comply fully with
Clinton's instructions concerning the troops to be taken, but he
made such substitutions as were necessary, and set out on the
expedition at the end of May, 1779. He was accompanied by
four hundred and forty men of the 74th Regiment under Lieutenant
Campbell, and two hundred of the 82nd under Major Craig,
his convoy comprising four men-of-war under Captain Andrew
Barkley and the flagship Albany under Captain Henry Mowatt.
He also took with him stores for nine hundred men, which would be
the total number when the engineers .should be included. Nutting,
who was to be employed as overseer of carpenters in building the
fort, acted as pilot. On June 13, the expedition arrived at the
mouth of the Penobscot, and after reconnoitering the river for
several days, the troops were disembarked on the little neck of
land which had been chosen for the fort. The most advantageous
part of the peninsula being wooded, some time was spent in
clearing it. There was also .some difficulty in landing the provisions,
which had to be rolled up a steep hill. These preliminaries
were not completed until July 2, when the work on the
fort began.10
Contact with the local inhabitants disclosed the fact, as
McLean wrote Clinton, that they "had been artfully led to believe
that His Majesty's troops were accustomed to plunder and treat
the Country where their operations led them with the greatest
inhumanity." To remove that prejudice, the leaders of the
expedition issued a proclamation extending clemency to all who
would take the oath of allegiance. This procedure so far restored
confidence that about five hundred persons subscribed to the oath
in the limited time allowed, although McLean wrote that the
number would have been considerably increased if he had been
able to send to "some distant settlements the Inhabitants of which
requested that indulgence from the impossibility' of all attending
the places appointed."11 The testimony of Colonel John Allen,
the American superintendent of Indians in the Eastern Department,
is of a confirmatory character. In a letter written at
Machias, Maine, July 16, 1779, he states that most of the inhabitants
at Penobscot had submitted and taken the oath of allegiance
to the King after the capture of that place by the English. But
his condemnation is particularly reserved for those east of the
Penobscot, who had gone a distance to acknowledge themselves
British subjects, including most, if not all, of the people at Union
River, Nashkeag, and Deer Island, and two or three at Frenchman's
Bay, and Goldsborough.12 Dr. Caleff tells us that about
a hundred of those who were well disposed showed their good
will by coming in on July 19 with their captain, John Perkins,
and helping three days to clear the ground in front of the fort.13
McLean explained that the attitude of the people to the east of
Boston, who were in want and distress, seemed in general friendly,
but that they were prevented from any marked demonstration by
the threats of the enemy. Their open allegiance, he thought,
could be won only when they should be furnished a force strong
enough to afford them complete protection in their persons and
property. However, he had to admit the existence of a division
of sentiment among the inhabitants, remarking that "numbers
of young men of the country had gone westward, and attempts
have been made to raise the people, tho hitherto without
success."14 The force under McLean's command was certainly
not large enough to inspire the remaining population with
feelings of safety and reviving loyalty; but, small as it was, it
was nevertheless reduced by the withdrawal of Captain
Barkley with four of his warships in order to shield the coast of
Nova Scotia against the threatening presence of nine American
vessels, which had recently been sighted in the offing. Thus,
only the Albany was left to stand guard at the mouth of the
Penobscot, the solitary ship being in turn protected by a battery
erected for that purpose.
The fort was not yet half completed when the American fleet
"to the number of thirty-seven sail of all sizes," with 2,600
troops aboard, traversed Penobscot Bay, and laid siege to the
place. On August 7, according to Caleff, the Americans
scoured the country round for the loyal inhabitants, destroyed
their movables, killed their cattle for meat, and, having captured
a number of persons, imprisoned them aboard ship.15 For three
weeks, McLean and his men held out, relief from Halifax failing
to put in an appearance. On the morning of August 14, a party
reconnoitering without the fort discovered that the Americans
had abandoned some works which they had constructed, in their
attempt to avoid a clash with the King's fleet, under the command
of Commodore Sir George Collier, which had opportunely
arrived from New York. In desperation, the American fleet sailed
up the Penobscot River, where the loyal inhabitants were released,
and the shipping was .set on fire, while the enemy's troops
retreated in various directions without opposition.16 Thus, Collier's
coming resulted in the destruction of the Americans' vessels and
the dispersal of their land forces.17 Among the ships that went
up in flames on the Penobscot flats was the privateer Vengeance,
to which Mr. Nutting owed his capture when first he sailed from
England with Germain's despatches for Clinton.18
No doubt some of the local inhabitants were recreant to
their oath of allegiance. If so, McLean excused it on the score
that they had been compelled to join the enemy; but he insisted
that most of them had been employed in working for the Americans,
"tho," he added, "some of them were in arms." Learning
that a number of these people had withdrawn from their habitations
with the intention of going to the westward, on account of
the fear of the resentment of the British, McLean issued a new
proclamation in order to reassure them and "prevent the breaking
up of the settlement."19 Collier, however, was more severe in his
judgment of the recent conduct of the inhabitants. In a letter
to Clinton, he denounced them as rebels who took an oath to the
King one day and another to the Congress the next, and asserted
that all had "assisted the rebels in everything they could during
the siege."20 It would seem, however, that the denunciation of
Commodore Collier was too sweeping in its character. It could
scarcely have been the case that those who placed themselves
under the protection of the British post, and whose need of supplies
was causing a shortage of provisions, had been guilty of the sort
of double dealing charged against all the inhabitants by the prejudiced
Commodore.21 Moreover, Colonel Thomas Goldthwait, who
had settled a large number of people in the Penobscot region,
wrote to Clinton, October 2, 1779, urging the continued importance
of the post to the Crown: "If the present arrangement of
his Majesty's troops won't permit of a reinforcement there, at this
time," says the refugee's letter, "I myself will undertake to raise
a Battalion out of the militia of that country, which notwithstanding
their seeming delinquency in their late unhappy situation,
I'll pledge myself for it, that they will make as good subjects as
any the King has got. 'Twas I, principally, yt settled them in
that country; I commanded them, and I fully know their principles,
and have estate enough to carry into execution what I propose."22
Even while the loyalty of these people was being thus favorably
or unfavorably commented upon, many friends of government
were removing to this haven of refuge. McLean, who
returned to Halifax at the close of November, 1779, wrote to
Clinton from that place that a considerable number of inhabitants
had taken refuge on the peninsula, that their distressed situation
rendered it necessary that they be supplied with provisions from
the King's stores, and that he proposed sending a further supply
by the Albany to complete their stock to the end of May.23 Besides
the people who were coming in from the immediate neighborhood,
others were arriving from localities farther removed
both in Maine and Massachusetts. One such party came from
Falmouth under the guidance of a tory named Baum, who was
afterwards captured by the Americans, tried by a court-martial
presided over by Major Burton, condemned to death, and executed
by order of General Wadsworth. It was in revenge for this execution
that Wadsworth and Burton were captured by a detachment
from Penobscot, and imprisoned there until they made their
escape, June 15, 1781.24 Among the loyalists from Falmouth who
early sought protection at the post were Captain Jeremiah Pote
and his two sons-in-law, Robert Pagan and Thomas Wyer.25
Pagan did not go directly to Penobscot, but in February, 1776,
sailed with his family for Barbadoes. On his return, he settled
in the growing Penobscot colony, where, with two brothers, he
purchased dwelling houses from Lieutenant Colonel Campbell in
1781.26 Moses Gerrish of Newbury, Massachusetts, who was a
graduate of Harvard College, and was stationed at Penobscot as
an officer in the commissary department, remained there until the
post was evacuated by the British forces.27 Colin Campbell, another
loyalist, acted as assistant commissary.28 The garrison
found its surgeon, and for a while its chaplain, in Dr John Caleff,
a former resident of Ipswich, who had served as a member of the
Massachusetts legislature, but had sought .shelter at the post
before the siege.29 For a season, Caleff was also employed as
inspector at Penobscot. On his departure for England in May,
1780, he was succeeded in this position by Robert Pagan.30 John
Jones of Pownalborough (now Dresden), Maine, escaped from
Boston jail, and arrived at Quebec at the close of August, 1779..
There he joined Colonel Rogers' regiment, receiving a commission
as captain, and was .sent to Penobscot. From that point he
engaged in forays against the Americans at the head of a company
known as "Jones' Rangers." His swarthy complexion gained for
him the nickname of "Black Jones"31 Simeon Baxter, the superintendent
of hospital stores in Boston, was another of those whose
loyalty was too active to be tolerated by the revolutionists. He
was, therefore, condemned to be incarcerated in the jail at Worcester,
but breaking away, he did not regard himself as beyond the
reach of danger until he had gained the shelter of Fort George.32
John Long, a native of Nantucket, also resorted thither probably
as early as the year 1779. In his new retreat he made himself
useful by securing intelligence for Captain Mowatt, but fell into
the hands of the enemy. However, he succeeded in making his
escape, and during the remainder of the war commanded a privateer
belonging to the Pagan brothers.33 Another Massachusetts
tory who joined the contingent at Penobscot in 1779 was James
Symons of Union River. Like most of the other refugees who
settled within the shadow of the post, he remained there until
the peace.34 Meantime, Nutting was serving as overseer of the
works with such satisfaction to Colonel Campbell, who was then
in command of the fort, that the latter "in consideration of his
Attachment to His Majesty's Government," made at "Gratuitous
Grant" to Mrs. Nutting of "a lot of land to settle upon . . . . . . .
on the N. E. side of y Road Leading to Fort George, formerly
the Property of Joseph Pirkins now in Rebbelion." Upon this
lot the overseer built him a house, which he valued at £150.35
Thus, a population of loyalists was gathering within the boundaries
of the proposed province of New Ireland.
This development may have had something to do with Nutting's departure
for England in the spring of 1780, by the particular
advice and recommendation, of General McLean. At any
rate, soon after his arrival in London, Nutting announced that he
had laid a plan before Lord George Germain which, if put into
execution; would prove "of the greatest Utility to Government."
The concerns of the prospective province were .certainly receiving
a great deal of attention at this time among the loyalists at
Penobscot, for; in May of the year named above, they sent Dr. Caleff
to England to do what he could toward getting the British authorities
to fix upon the River Penobscot as the dividing line between
themselves and the United States.36
While the object of Mr. Nutting's journey is less clear by
reason of the lack of documentary proofs; the fact that he now
crossed the ocean at what was virtually the request of McLean, to
whom had been entrusted the first step towards erecting a loyalist
province in eastern Maine, suggests strongly that the present
mission of the Overseer of Works was in connection with the
carrying into effect of the second and principal part of the programme,
namely, the establishment of the province itself. It
was certainly more than a mere coincidence that the whole New
Ireland scheme received a fresh impetus soon after Nutting's
arrival in London. On August 7, 1780, Germain wrote to Knox
expressing the hope that New Ireland still employed his thoughts,
that he was more and more inclined to prefer Oliver (the ex-chief
justice of Massachusetts Bay) for the governorship, and that he
wished they might "prepare some plan for the consideration of
the Cabinet." No sooner said than done, the plan was produced
with astonishing promptness. Its form was that of a constitution
for the new province, concerning which Germain wrote on
August 11th: "The King approves the plan — likes Oliver for
Governor, so it may be offered him. He approves Leonard for
Chief Justice."37
The instrument, thus approved, placed the province absolutely
under the control of the British Parliament. On acquiring
land, whether by inheritance, purchase, or grant from the Crown,
every landlord had to declare his allegiance to the King in his
Parliament. There was to be, of course, a governor and a council,
but no elective assembly for the time being. This omission
was obviously intended as a means of forestalling any disposition
of the people to republicanism. There was, however, to be a
middle branch of the legislature, of. which the members were to
be appointed by the Crown for life, but also subject to suspension
or removal by royal authority. These legislators might have
conferred upon them titles, emoluments, or both. The traditions
of aristocracy were to be further secured by the granting of land
in large tracts, thus providing at once for great landlords and a
tenantry. The Church of England was to be the established
church, and the governor, the highest judge in the ecclesiastical
court, with the additional function of filling all benefices. The
power of ordination was to be vested in a vicar-general, the way
being thus opened for a bishop. The establishment of schools
was left wholly unprovided for.38 Such was the constitution of
New Ireland, the purpose of which, according to that thorough-going
loyalist, the Reverend William Walter, was by its "liberality"
to show to the American Provinces "the great advantages of
being a portion of the Empire and living under the protection of
the British Government."39
hat these advantages remained untested
insofar as New Ireland was concerned was primarily due to
Attorney General Wedderburn, who held that the territorial
possessions of Massachusetts extended to the western boundary
of Nova Scotia, and that the charters of both provinces precluded
a new one from being interposed between them.40
Although this opinion prevailed, the plan does not seem to
have been abandoned by its originators, for in the winter of 1781
Germain "urged upon Clinton the ministry's favorite scheme for
the disposition of the throngs of Tories at New York: "Many
are desirous of being settled in the country about Penobscot and,
as it is proposed to settle that country and this appears to be a
cheap method of disposing of these loyalists, it is wished you
would encourage them to go there under the protection of the
Associated Refugees, and assure them that a civil government
will follow them in due time; for I hope, in the course of the summer,
the admiral and you will be able to spare a force sufficient to
effect an establishment at Casco Bay, and reduce that country to
the King's obedience."41
Massachusetts, of course, wanted "the viperine nest at
Penobscot" suppressed, and appealed feelingly from time to time
to the French and to Washington to strike the decisive blow. In
truth, her authority had been so far encroached upon by the
enemy that she was no longer able to collect taxes or contributions
from any place to the eastward of their stronghold. The
garrison there was ever on the alert, and improved the defences
of the post until it was declared by the Commander-in-chief of
the Continental forces to be "the most regularly constructed and
best finished of any in America." These excellent ramparts
sheltered a throng of loyalists and their families, while nearby a
refugee settlement grew up, which by the end of the war consisted
of thirty-five houses (a few of two.stories), supplemented
by the barest utilities in the form of three wharves and two
stores.42
It remained to be .seen whether this outpost of loyalism
would survive the undercurrents of diplomacy during the
negotiations for peace, as it had weathered the storms of war. If so,
it might still become the capital of a real province of New Ireland,
and by the favor of the authorities secure a population of some
thousands out of hand from among the swarms of loyalists that
had been gathering for years at New York. In the conferences
of the peace commissioners England contended that the frontier
of Massachusetts extended no farther than Penobscot Bay: she
gave it out that she wanted the territory to the eastward "for
masts." But John Adams, who was a member of the board of
treaty commissioners, was a Massachusetts man, and was thoroughly
conversant with conditions at Penobscot. He pertinently
remarked to Count Vergennes, while the contention was in progress,43
that "it was not masts, but Tories, that again made the
difficulty," and that "Some of them claimed lands in that territory,
and others hoped for grants there," not forgetting to add
that "the grant of Nova Scotia by James I to Sir William
Alexander, bounded it on the St. Croix." Adams was no less positive
when face to face with the English commissioner, Mr. Oswald,
and told him plainly that he "must lend all his thoughts to convince
and persuade his court to give up" the disputed region,
else "the whole negotiations would be broken off."44 The unyielding
character of the man from Massachusetts was confirmed
by Lord Shelburne, who was constrained to report to the House
of Lords that he "had but the alternative either to accept the
terms proposed or to continue the war."45 Mr. Secretary Knox,
in the bitterness of his personal disappointment over the final
collapse of his budding province, gratified his own animosities by
alleging that Penobscot would never have been evacuated at all
had it not been for the jealousy of Wedderburn and the ignorance
of Shelburne.46
The provisional articles of peace were agreed to at the end of
November, 1782. It was not until the middle of the following
June that Carleton wrote to Governor Parr, of Nova Scotia, that
two ships had been sent to Penobscot to remove such persons as
should choose to go to his province.47 Three weeks later, it was
reported that some people of Machias, Maine, had "moved to Passamaquoddy
and possessed themselves of lands between
the river St. Croix and the River Scoodie [Scoodiac]."48 About
the middle of August, Parr wrote to Brigadier General Fox at
Halifax concerning the rumored encroachments east of the St.
Croix, encroachments made, he said, under pretense that the
lands between that river and the Scoodiac belonged to Massachusetts.
He informed General Fox that the invaded lands were
"intended chiefly for the immediate settlement of part of the Provincial
disbanded troops and one hundred and fifty refugee families
from Penobscot," and therefore suggested that an armed
detachment be sent there to protect the boundary.49 Thus, before
the definitive treaty of peace was signed, (September 3, 1783), a
new boundary dispute had emerged, in which the luckless Penobscot
loyalists were involved as before. This their agents discovered
when they arrived at Passamaquoddy at the close of August,
for they were there greeted by a letter from the authorities at
Boston, warning them not to form a settlement in the disputed
region. The agents communicated this news to Parr, with the
further information that the transports intended to convey their
people to Passamaquoddy had already arrived at Penobscot, news
suggesting that the loyalists would soon be at their destination
and take possession.50
Meantime, Robert Morse, the chief engineer, had received
instructions to proceed to Passamaquoddy and report on the situation
there. He soon learned of the alleged encroachments, and
wrote to Carleton, August 15, 1783, of the difficulties that might
arise about the boundary river, explaining that the name St. Croix
had been indiscriminately applied to the three rivers which empty
into Passamaquoddy Bay, and that while the westernmost had
been the old boundary between Maine and Nova Scotia, the middle
and by far the most important one was meant for the new boundary,
thus opening the way for dispute.51 Early in September,
Morse reached Passamaquoddy,in time, .as he explained to Carleton,
"to point out to the surveyors employed in laying out
different towns, and the land.s adjoining, such spots as appeared
proper to be reserved for the use of Government, and future
protection of the country."52 He was detained there eight days
before he was able to sail for St. John's River. On November 1,
he again wrote the Commander-in-chief at New York to say that
the town laid out for the people from Penobscot was "on St.
Andrew's point — their lands extending up the east side of the
River Scodiac." This position he conceived to be "totally out
of dispute," and though it was contested, as we shall see later,
the country to the east of the Scodiac was adjudged to be part of
Nova Scotia and the settlers remained in possession. Morse was
equally correct in asserting that the stream called the St. Croix
by the Massachusetts people and alleged by them to be the true
boundary was in fact the "Majiggaducey" (Magaguadavic),
which he declared to be "quite out of the question." Hence, he
urged that an early explanation should be required of the authorities
of Massachusetts, "lest the unfortunate people from Penobscot should be
again disturbed, or before any military force is
sent there." He added that a British man-of-war was already
under orders to proceed to Passamaquoddy.53
At Penobscot the loyalists had formed an association with
Captain Jeremiah Pote, Robert Pagen(sic) , and a third member.
whose name is unknown, as agents to complete arrangements for
the removal to Passamaquoddy, Many of the associators had
already gone (about October 1) to the location chosen for their
new settlement to erect houses,54 and had evidently been there
about three weeks when Colonel John Allan, the agent of the
Massachusetts authorities, arrived on the scene, only to find the
surveyors exploring the rivers.and preparing to lay out townships,
while a number of settlers were already in possession of St. Andrew's
Point. He remonstrated with the surveyors,: and, discovering
one of them, Zebedee Jerry(sic) , of Freetown, to be a proscribed
refugee, "cautioned him from appearing on any lands of the
United States in future, as he certainly would be made a prisoner,"
and at the same time directed the Indians "not to suffer any
British subjects to pass on the river Passamaquoddy on such
business until further orders." In obedience to their instructions,
the Indians soon after took captive the loyalist, Captain (John)
Jones, of Kennebec, whom they found marking trees on the river.
Jones was placed on parole, but had no compunctions about making
his escape at the earliest opportunity.55
Allan was further disturbed by the arrival on October 3 of
two large transports and several smaller vessels bringing forty
families from Bagaduce. The ships were warned not to land
their passengers, but nevertheless did so a few days later. On
the 17th of October, Allan visited the refugees and pointed out to
them what he considered to be their precarious situation at St.
Andrew's. In reply, they disclaimed any intention of encroaching
upon American .soil, reminding him that they had been landed
where they were by the King's transports, and praying that they
might not be molested until spring, as they were poor and the
season was already far advanced. The deputy surveyor of Nova
Scotia, Captain Charles Morris, Jr., was on the ground, and when
called upon after a few days' interval by Allan, explained courteously
that he was merely following out positive instructions in
laying out the lands for the new settlers, and freely showed the
charts in his possession, namely, those of Holland and DesBarres,
in which, as Allan remarked, "the westerly branch of Passamaquoddy
called Cobscook is set down as the River St. Croix."
Soon more families disembarked, and Allan notes that vessels
were daily arriving with supplies, that a number of houses were
already built, as well as a large store for government provisions,
and that valuable timber was being constantly cut and shipped.
His letter went on to say — on good authority, as he
asserted — that the British intended to claim all the timber
lands on Passamaquoddy Bay as part of Nova Scotia, and that a company of
wealthy persons under the management of one Pagan, formerly
of Casco Bay, and others, was ready to go into the lumber business,
having sufficient influence with the government to obtain
settlers enough, including disbanded soldiers, to keep possession
of the Passamaquoddy region. To prevent this, Allan advocated
immediate steps "to remove those settlers from St. Andrews."56
However, the new settlement appears to have entertained
greater fear of the Indians than of the Americans during the
first winter, for Captain (Samuel) Osborne thought it necessary
to patrol the bay in the frigate Ariadne throughout that season
to ward off the red men. By January, 1784, there were sixty or
more houses at St. Andrews, and in February Governor Parr
established a court there for the District of Passamaquoddy. In
March a part of the Penobscot garrison, the 74th or Argyle
Highlanders, arrived at St. Andrews, while others, it is .said,
landed at L'Etang (St. George's Town) to await, like the
loyalists, the location of their lands. The main body of the
Highland regiment had sailed for England more than two months
before. By the first days of May. there were ninety houses in
St. Andrews, and a letter of that time, still extant, reports
"great preparations making in every quarter of the town for
more." The letter continues: "Numbers of inhabitants are
daily arriving, and a great many others are hourly looked for
from different quarters." The writer, William Pagan, had already
explored part of the land laid out for the Associated Loyalists
from Penobscot, namely, the region round Oak Point Bay
and up the Scoodic River. He found it to be of good soil and
abounding "with large quantities of hard wood, [and] all kinds
of pine timber of a large growth" conveniently located for transportation
by water. He remarked that two sawmills had already
been erected on the Scoodic, and that he had seen good sites for
others. He was convinced that Passamaquoddy Bay could supply
the British West Indies with "every species of lumber
that could be shipped from any part of New England, except
oak staves."57 What was actually being accomplished in the shipment
of lumber by the people of St. Andrews appears in a communication
of somewhat later date (May 26), signed by Robert
Pagan and others, in which it is stated that a number of cargoes
had already been sent to the West Indies and to various parts of
Nova Scotia.58 By. the end of December, St. Andrews had
expanded to a village of between two hundred and three hundred
houses, and other settlements were making rapid headway.
General Rufus Putman, who visited Passamaquoddy at the time
mentioned, reported that "a town at present called Schoodick,
near the head of navigation has one hundred houses; besides
which there is a township at the head of Oak Bay, granted to a
company of associates at the head of which there is a Mr. Norwood
from Cape Ann; another township west of this is surveyed
for a company from Connecticut, and these companies obtain the
same supplies of provisions as the refugees do."59
The plan of St. Andrews, which. was completed perhaps
early in 1784, provided for "six parallel streets running from
northwest to southeast and thirteen streets cutting them at right
angles, thus forming sixty square blocks, besides twelve. blocks
on the southwest side of the town more or less indented by the
irregularities of St.Andrews Harbor. Each block was divided
into eight lots, On August 12, this town plot was granted
to "William Gammon and 429 others," .several of the grantees
receiving more than one lot. Some of the earliest houses erected
in the town had been set up originally at Penobscot, only to be
taken down for removal at the evacuation. Among these are the
St. Andrews Coffee House still standing at the foot of William
Street, the store and the home once owned by Robert Pagan, and
houses built by Robert Garnett and Captain Jeremiah: Pote.
The first two-story building to be erected in St. Andrews was
owned and occupied by John Dunn, who brought the frame and
materials from New York in 1784, the year in which the other
structures were also set up.60 Many of the refugee families were
loth to leave behind their coats of arms and their treasures in
mahogany and silver. These cherished possessions still remain in
some old homes at St. Andrews,61 and doubtless at other
places on Passamaquoddy Bay. By 1788, if we may credit the
statements in an old manuscript, the population of St. Andrews
and vicinity had increased to more than three thousand, while
the town itself now numbered about six hundred houses.62 At
this time, and for some years afterwards, the place rivaled St.
John, New Brunswick, in commercial importance.63
Ever since the settlement of St Andrews, religious services
had been conducted by the civil magistrate, who acted as lay
reader on Sundays. In November, 1785, the Reverend Samuel
Cooke, of Shrewsbury, New Jersey, who had recently removed to
St. John where he had been appointed missionary, visited Campobello,
St. Andrews, and Digdeguash. At these places he read
prayers, preached, and performed baptisms, and then returned to
his own parish. In the following year, the Reverend Samuel
Andrews, a graduate of Yale College, who had been rector of St.
Paul's Church in Wallingford, Connecticut, came to minister at
St. Andrews. He found there "a considerable body of people of
different national extraction, living in great harmony and peace,
punctual in attending Divine Service, and behaving with propriety
and devotion." Sent as a missionary by the Society in
London for the Propagation of the Gospel, "Parson" Andrews
proved to be a man of broad and liberal spirit without any sacerdotal
pretensions. This was fortunate, for the majority of the
people of his new parish were Scotch Presbyterians. Nevertheless,
he won the favor of all, his congregation comprising all the
Protestant elements represented in the town. The first vestry
meeting was held August 2, 1786. In the following April, Mr.
Andrews was temporarily incapacitated for his work by a paralytic
stroke; and his son, Samuel F. Andrews, was appointed
school master and catechist, being thus able to relieve his father
of part of his duty. The missionary's illness did not prevent
the taking of prompt measures to erect a church edifice, which
was accomplished in 1788, although the structure was not completed
until September, 1790. It was called All Saints' Church
and measured fifty-two feet in length by forty in width, the expense
being met partly out of a fund contributed by the parish,
but chiefly out of a government allowance. The church had a
bell presented by Mr. John MacMaster, a merchant in London,
and was decorated with the royal coat of arms which the missionary
had himself brought from Connecticut.64 Owing to the fact
that most of the inhabitants of St. Andrews professed the Presbyterian
faith, the number of communicants remained small, but
baptisms, especially of children, were frequent. Besides All
Saints' Church, another memorial of the first rector is to be found
in "Minister's Island," which had been granted under the name
of Chamcook to Captain Samuel Osborne, but was sold by him to
Mr. Andrews in March, 1791, Captain Osborne having removed
to London, England. On this island, overlooking St. Andrews,
the rector built his house and passed the remainder of his life.65
Some years after purchasing Chamcook, the genial clergyman
gathered about him a little group of the most notable loyalists in
the town in an organization known as "The Friendly Society."
Its members held weekly meetings, at which they discussed
questions of religion, morality, law, medicine, geography, and
history, besides contributions of importance in newspapers and
magazines. By an article of their constitution, they limited
themselves to "spirits and water" as the only refreshments permitted
in time of meeting. Their philanthrophy was manifest in
their purpose to exert their influence in suppressing immorality
in the community of which they were the leaders. It should be
added that during the summer of 1800 three members of this society,
namely. Dr. Caleff, Colonel Wyer, and Henry B. Brown, together
with Mrs. Robert Pagan, rendered heroic service in combatting
an epidemic of smallpox that swept St. Andrews and vicinity.
Of the five hundred and more cases that developed, only three
were lost. The society flourished during the lifetime of its
founder, that is, for thirteen years, and then died.66
Aside from the town plot of St. Andrews, the Old Settlers'
Reserve at Scoodic Falls, (now the town plot of St. Stephen),
the Indian Reserve, (now Milltown), and a few scattered lots
reserved for public use, six tracts of shore and river lots were
granted to the Penobscot Associated Loyalists in 1784. These
tracts extend from Bocabec on the inner bay of Passamaquoddy
to Sprague's Falls on the St. Croix, and include two ranges of
lots on Mohannes Stream. They form the greater part of the
water front of the present parishes of St. Patrick, St. Andrews,
St. Croix, St. David, Dufferin, and St. Stephen, and extend over
nearly half the length of Charlotte County.67 In this region,
the associators formed their settlements, among which were Bocabec,
Dufferin, Moannes, St. Croix, and St. David. St. Croix
was first settled along the river of the same name and the Waweig,
while St. David sprang up at the head of Oak Bay, all around
which extended settlements of the Penobscot loyalists. The
village of Chamcook, which arose from the expansion of neighboring
colonies, was of somewhat later origin.68 Another loyalist
village, whose inhabitants came in large part from Penobscot,
was St. George's Town. It was laid out on the western side of
the little peninsula in L'Etang Harbor, facing the island now
known as Fry's Island. Its original grantees numbered one hundred
and fifty-three persons, who received their lots under date of
November i, 1784. In all perhaps two hundred families settled
here, many of the townsmen being disbanded soldiers of the Royal
Fencible Americans and probably of the S4th Regiment. Of
these men Captain Peter Clinch wrote a dismal account to the
Provincial Secretary in February, 1785, charging them with
general worthlessness, due to the introduction of rum into the
community through the agency of Captain Philip Bailey. Clinch
also charged Bailey with exploiting the inhabitants for his own
benefit. However, even Clinch admitted that there were many
settlers in the town against whom no reasonable objection could
be raised.69 In 1799, a forest fire destroyed the village, and it
had never been rebuilt.70
In addition to the settlements formed by the Penobscot
Associated Loyalists, there was a number of .settlements established
in the Passamaquoddy District in the same period by loyalists
from localities other than Penobscot. Among these were the
town of St. Stephen and the Old Ridge, a colony on the Digdeguash
above its mouth, another on the Magaguadavic to the
Second Falls, Pennfield, and farther east along the coast Lepreau,
Mace's Bay, Seeley's Cove, Dipper Harbor, Chance Harbor, and
Musquash. The town of St. Stephen at the head of navigation
on the St. Croix, together with the country north of the town,
including the Old Ridge, was settled by the Port Matoon (Mouton)
Association of loyalists and disbanded soldiers of the British
Legion. This association took its name from the village it had
founded late in 17S3 in Queen's County, Nova Scotia. When the
snow disappeared in the following spring, the locality was found
to be rocky and sterile. Hardly had this discovery been made
when an accidental fire consumed the town, and compelled the
immediate removal of the inhabitants. Of these, the majority
betook themselves to Chedabucto Bay in the eastern part of Nova
Scotia, while the rest decided to accompany Captain Nehemiah
Marks to Passamaquoddy. Captain Marks was a refugee from
Derby. Connecticut, had served as a captain in the corps of Armed
Boatmen and later as lieutenant in the Maryland Loyalists. His
party landed where the town of St. Stephen now stands, May 26,
1784, hoisted the British flag, and called the place Morristown, a
name it continued to bear for several years. In the following
September, 19,850 acres on the Scoodic or St. Croix River were
distributed among the members of the association, one hundred
and twenty-one in number, while garden lots in Morristown were
bestowed upon John Dunbar and one hundred and five others.
Captain John Jones, who had first come to Passamaquoddy as a
surveyor for the loyalists, was one of the recipients of a farm lot.
Among the grantees of the town are found the names of many
members of the Penobscot Association, who also held grants in
St. Andrews, besides of some who were favored with lots both in
St. Andrews and St. George's Town. It is no doubt true that a
number of the grantees of St. Stephen abandoned their lands or
sold them for a nominal sum; but many others remained, and
numerous farms along the Old Ridge are still held by their
descendants. Captain Marks became a grantee of both St. Andrews
and St. Stephen, and was one of the first justices of the peace in
Charlotte County. He died in St. Stephen in July, 1799, having
lived long enough to see the community he had planted in the
wilderness making substantial progress. By 1803, the parish as
a whole had a population of nearly seven hundred. It boasted
seven sawmills, or almost half the number to be found in the
entire Passamaquoddy District, and was turning out annually
4,000,000 feet, of boards, or more than all the other mills together.71
The .settlements formed by loyalists who had not come from
Penobscot were assigned locations on the east side of Passamaquoddy
Bay. Thus, John Curry and forty-two others received
15,250 acres on the Digdeguash in the Parish of St. Patrick, at
the end of March, 1784; At the same time, a grant of 2,000 acres
was issued to Colin Campbell. Lieutenants Thomas Fitzsimmons
and Colin McNab, who were assigned 1,000 acres in the same
region, permitted their grant to escheat to the government.72
Two tracts, one on the east side of the lower Magaguadavic,
and the other on the L'Etang with its western shoreline on
Passamaquoddy Bay, were granted to a score of loyalists, of whom
Dr. William Paine of Worcester, Massachusetts, was the most
notable. A refugee in Halifax after the evacuation of Boston,
Dr. Paine had brought his party to Passamaquoddy late in 1783.
but did not obtain the grants, which together amounted to 5,500
acres, until some three or four months later. Of the tract on the
Magaguadavic, the Worcester loyalist received 1,000 acres. In
addition, he was given the Island of La Tete in recognition of his
services in Rhode Island and New York as apothecary to the
British forces and at Halifax as physician to the King's hospitals
With his family, Dr. Paine took possession of La Tete in the
summer of 1784, but within a twelvemonth removed to St. John,
New Brunswick, to educate his children and practise his profession.
Nevertheless, the County of Charlotte elected him to the
Assembly of New Brunswick in 1785; and he was appointed clerk
of the House. He was also commissioned as a justice for the
County of Sunbury, and held other offices during his residence
there. In 1787, having secured the permission of the War Office,
he returned to Massachusetts, at first to Salem where he spent
six years, thence removing to Worcester to enjoy the privilege
— unusual for one of his former attachments — of residing in the
paternal mansion and being treated with respectful consideration
by his fellow-townsmen. Here he lived out the remaining forty
years of his life with means ample to provide for every want. His
status as a citizen of the United States, which he had forfeited
early in the Revolution, was restored to him by special act in 1825.
Samual(sic) Bliss of Greenfield, Massachusetts, one of the grantees
of Dr. Paine's party, later secured the concession of the large
island at the mouth of L'Etang Harbor, still known as Bliss's
Island, and of the small island near it called the White Horse.73
West of the lower Magaguadavic, the Royal Fencible Americans
were for the most part settled. Although included among the
loyalist corps, the Fencibles had been enlisted in Nova Scotia and
Newfoundland. Such of their officers and men as received
grants at Passamaquoddy appear to have been in garrison at Fort
Cumberland, where they were disbanded in 1783. Captain Philip
Bailey and fifty-eight others landed on November 10 of the same
year at the mouth of the Magaguadavic, and perhaps Lieutenant
Peter Clinch accompanied them, although he had visited the
region in advance. Late in February, 1784, Lieutenant Clinch
was granted seven hundred acres extending from the lower falls
to the headwaters of L'Etang and in the following month the
others received their grant of more than 10.000 acres. That an
additional number of the Fencibles came to Passamaquoddy is
shown by the muster held at L'Etang, or St. George's Town, on
July 3, 1784, when there were present of the "late Royal Fencible
American Regiment," one hundred and eight men, forty women,
and fifty-three children, or a total of two hundred and one persons.
The valley of the Magaguadavic contained rich meadow
lands, abundant forests, and ample water powers; but these advantages
made no appeal to most of the disbanded soldiers, who
occupied themselves with hunting and fishing, or gave themselves
over to the pleasures of the cup. Many soon left the
country. The others improved their farms, and probably followed
the life of the woodsman. The descendants of the latter were
joined by new immigrants, the settlement was extended up the
river, and lumbering operations were considerably increased. By
1803, the population of the Parish of St. George was four hundred,
of which only seventy-eight were men. There were already
five mills in the parish, which were cutting annually
2,300,000 feet of boards. In addition, the settlers were raising
good crops of various cereals, besides potatoes and flax.74
East of St. George's Town, an association of Pennsylvania
Quakers settled on the west shore of Beaver Harbor, where a
town called Belleview was laid out for them. The association
was formed early in 1783 in New York City, where its members
had taken refuge. Joshua Knight of Abbington, a suburb of
Philadelphia, appears to have been the leader of the "society."
Samuel Fairlamb, John Rankin, and George Brown were .sent
out as agents to .select a place for settlement on the river St. John,
but chose Beaver Harbor instead. Among the regulations
adopted before the party sailed was one providing that "no slave be
either bought or sold nor kept by any person belonging to said
society on any pretense whatsoever." The associators reached
their destination sometime before October 12, 1783, and were
granted one hundred and forty-nine lots of the nine hundred and
fifty constituting the town plot at Beaver Harbor. They renamed
their settlement Penn's Field, since contracted to Pennfield,
and were evidently joined by other immigrants, for a contemporary
writer estimated the population of the place at eight
hundred. It is said to have contained about three hundred
houses in 1786, but was devastated by fire in the following year.
Doubtless, it was this disaster that caused the removal of most
of the inhabitants to Pennfield Ridge, Mace's Bay, and other
localities, and left those remaining behind in great poverty.
Fortunately, two Quakers from Philadelphia visited the town in
the late summer of 1787, and noting the distressed condition of
the colonists, raised a subscription among the members of their
sect on their return home, with which they purchased and shipped
a supply of flour and Indian meal, together with other necessaries,
to Beaver Harbor. According to certain brief but interesting
records of the town, which are still extant, donations were also
received from Friends in England, these donations being
mentioned under date of March 10, 1789. The records also tell
us that in July, 1786, the society at Pennfield decided to erect a
small meeting house on ground allotted for the purpose. This
intention was carried out, and the meeting house was still standing
in the spring of 1789. The loss in population suffered by the
Parish of Pennfield during this period is shown by the census of
1803, which reported but fifty-four inhabitants, principally Quakers
concerning whom it was noted that they were excellent farmers
living on a good tract of land and in comfortable circumstances.75
The decline of Pennfield helped to populate the smaller
harbors farther east, although some of these had been settled
shortly after the war by loyalists who may have come either from
St. John or directly from the States. Lepreau was first occupied
in 1784; Mace's Bay was settled later by the exodus from Pennfield;
Seely's Cove had its origin in 1784 or 1785 as a small loyalist
colony formed by Justus Seely; Dipper Harbor and Chance Harbor
both began as fishing villages founded by loyalists in 1784, and
Musquash was established a year earlier by people of the same
class. The expansion of the descendants of these groups has
supplied settlers to other places along the coast.76
Another settlement worthy of mention was that of the Cape
Ann Association in what is now the Parish of St. David. This
parish lies northwest of the Bay of Passamaquoddy, and includes
the headwaters of Dennis Stream and the Digdeguash River,
which are not navigable. The association numbered two hundred
and twenty members, and received a grant of nearly 23,000 acres
on October 1, 1784. Many of the grantees appear to have come
from Gloucester, Massachusetts, and vicinity. Several, however,
were from New Boston in New Hampshire. Francis Norwood,
the leader of the association, was one of the latter. Twenty-six
of those who had grants at St. Andrews drew lands also in St. David;
while several others, whose names appear in the Penobscot Association
grant, are listed among the grantees of the Cape Ann
Association. Among the latter were Moses Gerrish, John Gillis,
and William Monroe. These facts indicate that nearly one
seventh, if not more, of the Cape Ann company were loyalists.
Since, however, most of them did not belong to this class, the
association was assigned "back lands," that is, lands back from
navigable waters, evidently on the principle that loyalists and
disbanded troops were entitled to the best locations. It is probable
that the St. Andrews and Penobscot grantees drew "back
lands" either for their children, which they had a right to do, or
as a matter of speculation. However, the .settlement in St.
David did not fulfil its promise, although the .soil there
was of excellent quality: in 1788, there were nearly one
hundred and fifty absentees, and two years later, all but
forty-six lots had been escheated. By 1803, the settlers numbered
two hundred and eighty-six, and were reported to be the
most independent farmers of any in the County of Charlotte.77
Thus far we have been dealing almost exclusively with the
settlements formed on the mainland by loyalists, or, in the case of
St. David, with a settlement in which loyalists had .some small
share. We turn now to the islands. The large islands on the
west side of Passamaquoddy Bay, as well as some of the smaller
ones, gained a number of settlers at the close of the Revolutionary
War. Indeed, the outermost of these islands, namely, Grand
Manan, became the resort of several loyalist families78 as early as
1779, these families coming from Machias, Maine, where they considered
it unsafe to remain any longer. The place in which they
built their huts still retains the name of the leader, Joel Bonney,
being known as Bonney's Brook. However, they were not permitted
to enjoy peace even here, and in 1780 they removed to
the mouth of the Digdeguash on the mainland.79 With the
ending of the war, a license was granted "to John Jones, Thomas
Oxnard, Thomas Ross, Peter Jones, and Moses Gerrish, and
others, being fifty families, to occupy during pleasure the Island
of Grand Manan, and the small islands adjacent in the fishery,
with liberty of cutting frame stuff and timber for building."
Gerrish and a few of his associates took possession, and began
their settlement near Grand Harbor in May, 1784. They found
their island to be fourteen miles in length and nine miles in
breadth, "very steep and craggy on all sides," but fertile in soil
and covered with good timber. Evidently, not all the families
expected joined the new community, but so far as we can tell
those who came were prominent refugees from Penobscot. Gerrish
himself was one of these, although originally from Newbury,
Massachusetts, and a family by the name of Cheney was
from the same place. Thomas Ross had been a mariner at
Falmouth, Maine, and entered the West Indies trade after
coming to Grand Manan. He was granted a small island, still
called Ross Island, just east of the one on which he made his
home. Captain John Jones appears to have returned to Maine
in 1786, after disposing of his interest in the island to James and
Patrick McMaster, two merchants of Boston, who had become
discredited early in the Revolution on account of their loyalty.
John Dogget, another of the refugee settlers, was a native of
Middleboro, Massachusetts. No doubt, the isolated position of
the island retarded its development: at any rate, its population
was but one hundred and twenty-one in 1803. Nevertheless, the
number of inhabitants was sufficiently large to help establish the
British claim to Grand Manan in the long controversy with the
United States that followed years after. The retention of the
island was regarded of great importance by England on account
of its being the key to the entrance of the Bay of Fundy. Together
with other islands in Passamaquoddy Bay, Grand Manan
was declared part of New Brunswick in 1817. For years, Gerrish
was the most prominent resident on the island, and served both
as collector of customs and justice of the peace. While he and
his associates failed to secure the fifty families required by the
license of occupation to obtain a grant of the entire island, the
Council of New Brunswick ordered grants to the settlers of their
respective possessions and allotments, together with a glebe and
a lot for public uses, and these grants were duly passed, November
1, 1810.80
North of Grand Manan, the Island of Campobello was partly
settled by loyalists, a few of whom remained but a short time.
At the opening of the Revolution, John Hanson, a native of
Marblehead, Massachusetts, came to the island in a whaleboat,
only to pass on to Minister's Island, where he settled. Captain
Christopher Hatch, a grantee of Parr Town on the River St. John,
went into the mercantile business at Campobello. Later, he sold
out to Lieutenant Thomas Henderson, who became the customs
officer of the island. Another grantee of Parr Town, who settled
temporarily on Campobello, was Nathan Frink, a native of
Pomfret, Connecticut, and a captain in the King's Loyal
American Dragoons. It is recorded by a historian of the island
that many of the early inhabitants, who lived along what is called
the North Road, were tories from New York, some of them being
of Scotch origin. Later on, this loyalist element appears to have
been considerably increased by the accession of numerous families
from the mainland, who, dissatisfied with their locations, either
sold or abandoned their grants there. In 1803, the population of
Campobello, including both loyalists and other settlers, numbered
nearly two hundred and fifty persons.81
North of Campobello, Deer Island had occupants who, as
previously noted, went to considerable trouble to take the oath of
allegiance to the King at the time of the American attack upon
Penobscot. The earliest refugees to join these settlers probably
fled from Colonel Allen's rule at Machias. Among these, it
would appear, was Josiah Heney, a native of Portland, Maine,
who was aided in making his escape from Machias in 1777 by
James Brown of Passamaquoddy. Later, Heney .sought the protection
of the post at Penobscot, and came thence to Deer Island,
where he built a house opposite Pleasant Point.82 About the same
time, John Rolf and his daughter arrived from Machias. Several
members of the Penobscot Association also took up their residence
on the island, including Daniel Leemen and William
Stewart, the latter settling at Pendleton's Passage. Other
loyalists came in from St. John, New Brunswick, one of these
being John Appleby, who located at Chocolate Cove. Both Appleby
and Leeman have descendants now living on Deer Island.
Another settler from St. John was Issaac(sic) Richardson, whose name
is perpetuated in that of Richardsonville. It was not long before
these loyalist inhabitants were joined by .some of the families
from the mainland, who evidently thought they could better
their condition by removing to Campobello. In 1803, this island
and its dependencies had a population of one hundred and seventeen.
In the following year, a .score of these residents tried to
establish a claim to the lands on which they were living. The
memorial of these petitioners states that they had been on Campobello
for twenty years (or since 1784), which would suggest
that many of them, if not all, were refugees from the States.
Gideon Pendleton, whom we know to have been a loyalist from
Long Island, and whose name appears in that of Pendleton's
Island, was one of these.83
The island just named had been granted, no doubt, to Gideon
Pendleton, as other of the small islands were granted to other
adherents of the Crown. However, Moose Island (now Eastport)
was inhabited at the close of the Revolution by about half a dozen
families, who had been more or less in sympathy with Great
Britain during that struggle. It is not known how many outside
loyalists joined this little colony, but it is said that George
Cline (or Klein), a recruiting sergeant during the War, and
Joseph Ferris, a native of Stamford, Connecticut, and a captain
in Butler's Rangers, both lived for a time on Moose Island. The
former spent the end of his days on Bar Island, and the latter,
on Indian Island. James Maloney, who was a mariner and a
grantee of St. Andrews, settled on St. Andrews Island, and
Matthew Thornton who fled to escape persecution after the battle
of Bennington, spent one winter there, being later provided with
a grant as a member of the Penobscot Association. Thornton
was a native of New Hampshire.84
The population of the Passamaquoddy region in 17H4, according
to Colonel Edward Winslow's muster was 1,744 persons, of
whom seven hundred and ninety were men, three hundred and
four, women, and six hundred and fifty, children.85 The various
regiments and other groups represented comprised the 42nd,
70th, and 72nd regiments. Royal Fencible Americans, King's
Orange Rangers, Royal Garrison Battalion, Tarleton's Dragoons,
Nova Scotia Volunteers, Regiment of Specht (Brunswick
soldiers), various corps at L'Etang, Nehemiah Marks' Company,
loyalists and others at Beaver Harbor, Penobscot loyalists, and
Lieutenant Colonel Stewart and party, besides two small companies,
one in the District of Passamaquoddy and the other on
the River Magaguadavic. As we have already seen at some
length, most of these people were loyalists, and although the
men had pursued the most diverse occupations in their former
homes, farming engaged the great majority of them at Passamaquoddy.
However, at the time of the landing of the refugees
from Penobscot, lumbering operations were already in progress
near the headwaters of the Scoodic or St. Croix River, on both
sides of which a settlement of fifteen or twenty families was in
existence. Most of these families had come from Machias, and
had evidently chosen their location on account of the valuable
timber and the water power to be had there. At the mouth of
Dennis Stream they had built a sawmill.86 Thus began the lumber
trade of the St. Croix, which may have supplied building
material to loyalists who settled farther down the river. However,
there were abundant supplies of fine timber along the other
large rivers emptying into Passamaquoddy Bay, and there were
ample water powers and excellent harbors at hand. The newcomers,
appreciating these advantages, established important
villages at St. Stephen, Milltown, St. Andrews, St. Patrick, and
St. George's Town, and erected sawmills at numerous points of
vantage. Sailing vessels were needed for the lumber trade, and
so ship-building became an important industry in .several of the
parishes that were .settled by the loyalists. By 1803, the Passamaquoddy
District had no less than twenty-one sawmills, which
together cut 7,700,000 feet of boards, and it also had a fleet of
fifty-nine .sails, besides numerous smaller craft. Of the sailing
vessels, St. Andrews Parish alone had built forty-two since 1785.87
The principal markets for the lumber exported from Passamaquoddy
were Nova Scotia and the British West Indies, in both of
which regions thousands of loyalist refugees were settling during
this period. It need scarcely be added that fishing was an important
occupation of many of the .settlers on the shores and
islands of Passamaquoddy Bay. The quantity of fish taken in
1803 amounted to 9,900 quintals and 3,000 barrels, besides about
5,000 boxes of herring.88
Meanwhile, the loyalists and their fellow-colonists were
multiplying in numbers despite the removal of many from
Passamaquoddy to other places in New Brunswick or to the
States. By 1803, the population of Charlotte County had reached
2,622 persons, or nearly eight hundred and fifty more than that
of the year 1784. With the growth in numbers, desirable lots that
had been abandoned by the first grantees were taken up and occupied
by young men coming into maturity who wished farms of
their own, and, following this, new settlements were made on the
uplands back of the older settlements. In this way, an expansion
seems to have taken place up the St. Croix, Digdeguash, and
Magaguadavic.89
The coming of the loyalists had led to the creation of Charlotte
County, together with the seven other counties of New
Brunswick, early in 1786. At the same time, Charlotte County
had been subdivided into seven towns or parishes, namely, St.
Stephen, St. David, St. Andrews, St. Patrick, St. George, Pennfield,
and the West Isles. The act establishing these divisions
had also declared that St. Andrews should be thereafter the seat
of the County of Charlotte.90 But before the passage of this
measure by the first Assembly of the province, and even before
New Brunswick had been made a separate province, Governor
Parr had created a court for the District of Passamaquoddy (early
in 17S4) by appointing John Curry, Philip Bailey, Robert Pagan,
and William Gallop to be justices of the peace therein. All of
these men were loyalists, and three of them were grantees of St.
Andrews; while the fourth, Captain Philip Bailey, was a grantee
of St. George's. Two of them received appointments in addition
to that of justice of the peace. Mr. Pagan served the Crown
as agent for lands in New Brunswick and in looking after matters
connected with grants to the loyalists. He also represented his
county for a number of years in the Provincial Legislature. Mr.
Gallop was commissioned as first registrar of deeds for Charlotte
County, in March, 1786, and continued in that office until 1789.
Another St. Andrews loyalist. Colonel Thomas Wyer, became
the first sheriff of the county, being appointed in the spring of
1785, and serving until 1790, when he was succeeded by his fellow-townsman,
John Dunn, a refugee from New York, who held the
position twelve years. Mr. Dunn also acted as comptroller of
customs at St. Andrews for a long period.91
The action of Governor Parr in appointing justices of the
peace for the District of Passamaquoddy in 1784 is to be regarded
as the revival of an earlier court, rather than as the creation of a
new tribunal. Before the Revolution, the general sessions of the
peace for the District had been held on the Island of Campobello.
That they were resumed there after the war is shown by Robert
Pagan's statement that he went to Campobello to attend the sessions
in his capacity as magistrate for the County of Sunbury.92
A little later, sessions were held at St. Andrews, but whether
there or on Campobello, the jurisdiction of the court appears to
have extended over all the islands of Passamaquoddy Bay. It
should be noted, however, that Grand Manan had at least one
resident justice of the peace in the person of Moses Gerrish who,
as previously mentioned, served also as collector of customs for
that island. Joseph Garnett, who died in St. Andrews in the
year 1800, is said to have been "New Brunswick's first master in
Chancery and the first deputy registrar of deeds and wills and
deputy Surrogate or Judge of Probate for Charlotte County."93
The settlement of the loyalists on Passamaquoddy Bay gave
rise, as we have .seen, to a dispute over the western or
river boundary of Nova Scotia. That dispute was to remain
undecided until 1798. By the treaty of 1783, the
boundary had been fixed at the St. Croix; but the topographical
location of the true St. Croix was as yet unknown. However,
the Nova Scotia authorities had acted on the assumption that the
Scoodic was the St. Croix by settling large numbers of loyalists
on its eastern bank. John Allan had called the attention of the
Massachusetts government to the refugee settlements at St. Andrews
in August and again in September, 1783. Thereupon, the
Massachusetts House of Representatives had directed Governor
Hancock (October 23) to obtain information regarding the alleged
encroachments, and communicate the same to Congress.
This was done at once, and Congress replied (January 26, 1784,)
with a recommendation that representations should be made to
Nova Scotia, if the results of an investigation warranted it. The
advice was followed, a committee was sent to Passamaquoddy,
and on its return reported that the Magaguadavic, lying about
three leagues east of St. Andrews, was the original St. Croix.
On the basis of this report, Governor Hancock wrote to Governor
Parr, November 12, 1784, requesting him to recall such of the
King's subjects as had "planted themselves" within the Commonwealth
of Massachusetts. The reply to this communication
came from Thomas Carleton, governor of New Brunswick, the
province that had been recently erected on the north side of the
Bay of Fundy: Carleton wrote that "the Great St. Croix, called
Schoodick by the Indians," was considered by the Court of
Great Britain as the river intended by the treaty of 1783 to form
part of the boundary. President Washington urged the adjustment
of the matter in a special message to Congress in 1790: but
nothing was done until Jay's treaty was signed four years later,
a clause in this instrument providing for the reference of the
question to the final decision of commissioners.94
It is interesting to note that, first and last, not less than
four prominent loyalists took part in the important labors of the
board of commissioners thus authorized. Thomas Barclay, a
graduate of Columbia College and a captain in the Loyal American
Regiment, who had fled to Nova Scotia at the close of the
Revolution, was named commissioner for Great Britain. His
American colleague was David Howell, an eminent lawyer of
Rhode Island, and they together designated Egbert Benson, a
distinguished jurist of New York, as the third member of their
board. Edward Winslow of Plymouth, Massachusetts, who had
served as muster-master general of the loyalist forces at the close
of the war, and then had taken up his residence in New
Brunswick, became secretary of the commission. Each government
had an agent to prepare and present its case before the
board. The British agent was Ward Chipman of Massachusetts,
a graduate of Harvard college and deputy muster-master general
under Winslow. In New Brunswick, whither Chipman removed
after the war, he attained the highest honors, serving as member
of the House of Assembly, advocate general, solicitor general, etc.
The agent for the United States was James Sullivan, one of the
ablest members of the bar in Massachusetts at that time. The
identification of Bone (now Dochet) Island with the Isle of St.
Croix of Champlain, on which the identification of the River St.
Croix largely depended, was accomplished by Robert Pagan, one of
the loyalist grantees of St. Andrews. After a series of meetings held
at various times from August to October 26, 1798, the commission
rendered the verdict that the Scoodic was in fact the River St.
Croix intended by the treaty of 1783. The source of the stream,
thus declared to be the boundary between Maine and New Brunswick,
was decided to be the eastern or Chiputneticook branch of
the St. Croix. This was undoubtedly a fair line of division, inasmuch
as the St. Croix had been the old eastern boundary of
Massachusetts Bay.95
In 1784 and 1785, the question of ownership of some of the
islands in Passamaquoddy Bay became a point of contention between
the British and American governments. The loyalists
and other British settlers of that period laid claim to all of these
islands, and were supported therein by the New Brunswick authorities.
Nevertheless, the Eastern Lands committee of the
Massachusetts House of Representatives had Moose, Dudley,
and Frederick islands surveyed (in 1784), and sold Dudley Island
to John Allan, who settled there and made some improvements.
At about the same time, the same committee was authorized
to make sale of Grand Manan and the small islands adjacent,
despite the fact that the government of Nova Scotia had already
granted a license (December 30, 1783,) to Moses Gerrish and his
associates to occupy Grand Manan. In October, 1785, Congress
passed a resolution instructing the American minister in London
to attempt an adjustment of these matters, or failing that, by
commissioners appointed by the two governments. Ignoring
both the resolution of Congress and the operations of the Massachusetts
committee, the Assembly of New Brunswick enacted a
law (January 3, 1786,) dividing the province into counties and
parishes, in which the Parish of West Isles in Charlotte County
was declared to comprise Deer Island, Campobello, Grand Manan,
and Moose, Frederick, and Dudley islands, with all the lesser islands
contiguous to them. Several years later (that is, in 1791), Massachusetts
played the next card by causing Moose Island to be
divided into lots and granting these to the occupants. When
the boundary question was taken up by the St. Croix commission,
the contention over the islands was wisely excluded from the
discussion by the explicit instructions of the British ministry.
The next step took the form of negotiations, which were concluded
in 1803 by a convention or agreement declaring Deer
Island and Campobello, with the small islands lying to the north
and east, to be under the jurisdiction of New Brunswick, the
others to the south and westward being declared subject to Massachusetts.
Strangely enough. Grand Manan was not mentioned.96
In the War of 1812, Moose Island was seized by the British,
and was permitted to remain in their possession by the treaty of
Ghent until its title could be determined. The fourth article of
this treaty provided for a commission of two members to settle
the island question. Thus, the suggestion first made by the
American Congress in 1785 was finally adopted. Two of the
loyalists who had shared in the work of the boundary commission,
were assigned tasks of like kind in connection with this one.
They were Thomas Barclay and Ward Chipman, representing Great
Britain as commissioner and agent, respectively. The United
States was represented by John Holmes, a prominent citizen
of Maine, as commissioner, and James T. Austin, a leading
lawyer of Massachusetts, as agent. The memorial of the British
agent repeated the old claim of Nova Scotia to all the islands of
Passamaquoddy Bay, not forgetting Grand Manan, on the basis
of their inclusion within the original limits of that province, the
extent of its jurisdiction, the exercise of its civil authority, etc.
The counter-claim of the United States was also heard, and the
rejoinders on both sides. Finally, on November 29, 1817, the
commissioners gave their decision, namely that Moose, Dudley,
and Frederick islands belong to the United States, and that all
the other islands, including Grand Manan, belong to his Britannic
Majesty, "in conformity with the true intent of the second
article of the treaty of 1783." As both governments accepted
this decision, the dispute over the islands was closed.97 Thus,
the loyalist settlers, whether on or off the mainland of Passamaquoddy
Bay, were finally left to enjoy in peace the lands granted
them at the close of the Revolution.
——————————
1. Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., I, 284;
Dorchester Collection, I, No. 7.
2. Me. Hist. Magazine, IX, 23, 188, 254, 258, 273, 363; N, 94, 96.
3. Me. Hist. Magazine, X, 95, 96.
4. Batchelder, John Nutting, (Reprint from the Proceedings of the
Cambridge Hist. Soc.) 74, 72.
5. Can. Arch., 1885, 302, 327.
6. Batchelder,John Nutting, 74, 75.
7. Hutchinson, Diary and Letters, II, 218, 290, 291.
8. Batchelder, John Nutting, 71-77.
9. Ibid., 77, 78.
10. Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of G. Brit., I, 440, 441,
458; Batchelder, John Nutting, 78; Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., II, 14.
11. Ibid., I, 458.
12. St. Croix Courier series, L.
13. Caleff, Siege of Penobscot (Ms. in Harv. University Library);
Batchelder, John Nutting, 79; St. Croix Courier series, LI.
14. Report of the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of G . Brit., I, 460, 462.
15. St. Croix Courier series, LI .
16. St. Croix Courier, series LI.
17. Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., II, 15, 16,
Collects. Me. Hist. Sac., Series II, V. 1, 391, 392.
18. Batchelder, John Nutting, 80.
19. Report of the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., II, 17.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid, 66.
22. Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of G. Brit., II, 20, 45.
23. Ibid, 66.
24. Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of G. Brit., II, 258;
Sabine, Am. Loyalists, 1847, 148, 626.
25. Acadiensis, July, 1903, 175.
26. Ibid., July, 1907, 223; Sec. Rep., Bureau of Archives, Ont., Pt. I,
304 307; Sabine, Am. Loyalists, 502.
27. Coll. N. B. Hist, Soc, I, No. 3, 355; Acadiensis, July 1906, 170.
28. Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. inst. of G. Brit., III, 122, 132:
Acadiensis, July, 1907, 277-279.
29. Coll. Me. Hist. Soc., Series II, Vol. I, 392.
30. Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. inst. of G. Brit. III, 229.
31. Acadiensis, July, 1907, 276.
32. Audit Office Claims, XII, 44: (in the Public Record Office, London.)
33. Sec. Report Bur. of Archives, Ont. Pt. I, 315-317.
34. Sec. Report, Bur. of Archives, Ont., Pt. I, 323, 324.
35. Batchelder, John Nutting, 82.
36. Ibid., Batchelder, John Nutting, 82, 86; Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst, of G. Brit., II, 118, 420; III, 229; Ganong, Evol. of the Boundaries
of N. B., 260; Raymond, Winslow Papers, 256.
37. Batchelder, John Nutting, 86, 87.
38. Coll. Me. Hist. Soc., Series II, Vol. I, 395, 396; Bancroft, Hist, of the U. S., X, 368.
39. Raymond, Hist. of the River St. John, 291.
40. Coll. Me. Hist. Soc, Series II, Vol. I, 396; Batchelder, John Nutting, 87.
41. Batchelder, John Nutting, 86.
42. Ibid., 84; Sabine, Am. Loyalists, 10; Mass. Archives, V. 145, 377; Coll. Me. Hist. Soc., Series II. Vol. I, 400.
43. November 10, 1782.
44. Adams, Diary, under the dates Nov. 10, and 18; Coll. Me. Hist. Soc.
Series II, Vol. I, 396, 397.
45. Coll. Me. Hist. Soc., Series II, Vol. I, 397.
46. Batchelder, John Nutting, 94.
47. Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of G. Brit., IV 276.
48. Ibid., 210.
49. Ibid.
50. Ibid.
51. Ibid., 2S0.
52. Ibid. 442.
53. Report on the Am. Mss. in the Roy: Ins. of G. Brit: IV. 280.
54. The London Chronicle, May 8, 1784; St. Croix Courier series, LXXIX.
55. Report on the .Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of G. Brit., IV., 372-374;
St. Croix Courier, series LXXIX, LXXX.
56. Letter of John Allan of Dec. 15, 1783, to Gov. John Hancock, quoted
in the St. Croix Courier series. LXXIX.
57. Letter of Wm. Pagan to Dr. Wm. Paine, May 2, 1784, printed in Acadiensis, July, 1907, 210-112(sic)
58. Acadiensis, July, 1907, 213.
59. St. Croix Courier series, CXVI.
60. Acadiensis, July, 1907, 231, 214, 222, 226 228, 225; July, 1903, 160.
61. Ibid., July 1903, 161.
62. Raymond, Winslow Papers, 351.
63. Acadiensis, July, 1903, 158.
64. This coat of arms now hangs over the main entrance of All Saints' Church in St. Andrews, the second structure of that name.
65. New Haven Hist. Soc. Papers, VII, 324, 325; Lee, First Fifty Years
of the Church of England in the Province of N. B., 32-35, 82-84; Eaton, The Church in Nova Scotia, 150-152, 158; Acadiensis, July, 1903. 193; July, 1907, 236, 238.
66. Acadiensis, July, 1907, 187-192; Raymond, Winslow Papers, 455.
67. Acadiensis, July, 1903, 172.
68. Ganong, Origins of Settlements in N.B., 118, 123, 128, 156, 167.
69. Acadiensis, July, 1907, 250-260.
70. St. Croix Courier series, LXXVI.
71. St. Croix Courier series. CIV, LXX, LXXXV, LXXXVII, LXXXIX, XC, XCI, XCII, CIX; Ganong, Origins of the Settlements in N.B, 55, 57, 170; Ganong, Historic Sites in N.B., 340; Raymond, Winslow Papers, 489.
72. Ganong, Hist. Sites in N. B., 339
73. St. Croix Courier series. LXXIII, LXXV; Coll. N.B. Hist. Soc.
V. I, No. 3, 273; Stark, Loyalists of Mass., 385-387; Ganong, Hist. Sites in N. B., 339; Chandler, The Chandler Family, 269; Paine, Paine Family Register. 30.
74. St. Croix Courier series, LXXIV, LXXVII; Coll. N. H. Hist.Soc.
No. 5, 197, 201, 217, 218; Ganong, Hist. Sites in N. B., 339, Ganong, Origins of the Settlements in N.B., 167; Raymond, Winslow Papers 490; Acadiensis, July, 1907, 255, 256.
75. St. Croix Courier series, LXXII: Coll. N. B. Hist. Soc.. IV, 73-80;
Ganong, Origins of the Settlements in N. B., 158; Raymond, Winslow Papers, 345, 490.
76. Ganong, Origins of the Settlements in N. B, 144, 171, 127, 123, 152.
77. St. Croix Courier series, LXX, CXVI; Ganong, Hist. Sites in N.
B., 338. 340; Ganong, Origins of the Settlements in N. B., 55; Raymond, Winslow Papers, 489.
78. The families were those of Joel Bonney of Pembroke, Conn., (now in Mass.), Abiel Sprague. and James Sprague: Coll. N. B. Hist. Soc, V. I, No. 3, 346.
79. Coll. N. B. Hist. Soc, V. I, No. 3, 346, 347, 359; Acadiensis, July, 1906, 165; St. Croix Courier series, XCVI, LIII.
80. Coll. N. B. Hist. Soc. V. I, No. 3, 347-350; Acadiensis, July , 1906, 168; ibid., July, 1907, 209; Ganong, Origins of the Settlements in N. B., 136; Lorimer, Hist. of Islands, II; Raymond, Winslow Papers, 589, 490, 580, n; Sabine, Am. Loyalists, 1847, 459; St. Croix Courier series, LIII, XCIII, XCVI, CXII.
81. Coll. N. B. Hist. Soc., V.I. No. 2, 215; St. Croix Courier series,
LXXVIII, CXXIV; Wells, Campobello, 6; Raymond, Winslow Papers, 490; Ganong, Origins of the Settlements in N. B., 67.
82. St. Croix Courier series CXXI, XLIX, CIX; Lorimer, History of
Islands, 89.
83. St. Croix Courier series CXXI, CXXII; Ganong, Origins of the
Settlements in N. B., 67; Raymond, Winslow Papers, 490.
84. St. Croix Courier series, LII, CXXI, CXXIV, XCIV, CXIII.
85. Ibid., LXVII. The figures given in the text are taken from the
original Muster Book, now in the possession of the Rev. Dr. W. O. Raymond, of St. John, N. B.
86. St. Croix Courier series, LII.
87. Raymond, Winslow Papers, 489-491.
88. Ibid.
89. Ganong, Origins of the Settlements in N. B., 59, 61.
90. Acadiensis, July, 1907, 232.
91. Ibid. 223-225; Coll. N. B. Hist. Soc, V. I, No. 3, 363.
92. St. Croix Courier series, LXXXVI; Ganong Evolution of the
Boundaries of N. B., 281, n.
93. Acadiensis, July, 1907, 210, 226, 227.
94. Ganong, Evol. of the Boundaries of N. B., 241-254, and the authorities
there cited; Rives, Correspondence of Thomas Barclay, 45. ff.
95. Ganong, Evol. of the Boundaries of N. B., 254-259; Sabine, Am.
Loyalists, 144, 711, 208; Stark, Loyalists of Mass., 436, 432.
96. Ganong, Evol. of the Boundaries of N. B., 278-287, and the authorities there cited; Acadiensis. July. 1916, 168.
97. Ganong, Evol. of the Boundaries of N. B., 287-290.