THE DISPERSION OF THE
AMERICAN TORIES
Mississippi Valley Historical Review
Vol. I, September. 1914
THE DISPERSION OF THE AMERICAN TORIES1
Norfolk and Charleston, Savannah and St. Augustine, Philadelphia
and New York, Boston, Penobscot, Fort Niagara and
Detroit were, during their days of occupation by the British, the
most important centers to which were drawn, as by powerful
magnets, those elements of the colonial population which were
forced out of their various localities by the intolerance and conflict
of a struggle that was marked by the characteristics of
civil war both in the populous sections and in the back country.
The list of such centers might be greatly lengthened by including
those Canadian towns and villages that were near enough
to our northern frontier to be used by the English as military
posts and magazines, and by the same token were accessible to
numbers of fugitive adherents of the crown whose zeal found
vent in joining loyalist regiments. But the loyalist regiments
in Canada would have filled but slowly, if they had depended
entirely on voluntary enlistments. From various posts recruiting
officers were sent into the enemy's country to bring in Tory
groups to be armed and employed on marauding and rescue expeditions.
In these ways not less than ten corps of American
loyalists, several of which reached a maximum of five hundred
or six hundred men, were formed and maintained throughout
the Revolution in what was called the Northern or Canadian
Division.
Large numbers of these recruits proceeded northwards by
way of the Hudson River and Lake Champlain to one or another
of the chain of posts along the Richelieu. Not all loyalists,
however, followed this direct course: many entered Canada
along routes, of which there were five in general use, running
from the Hudson to points between Oswego and Montreal, the
refugees being quartered at various places on both sides of the
river St. Lawrence. Not infrequently the recruiting agents led
in women and children with the men, some arriving, we are told,
"in a state of nakedness and great want." In other instances
families were brought in under flags of truce, a system that was
in operation on Lake Champlain from the fall of 1778 if not
earlier, and was regularly employed throughout the remainder
of the contest. As the British were in control of the lake, their
vessels and bateaux were in constant requisition for the conveyance
of aggregations of families from Pointe au Fer, Mill Bay,
Skenesborough, Crown Point, and other convenient places to St.
John, north of the lake, whence they were sent under guidance
to various localities in the province of Quebec to join husbands
and fathers from whom they had been separated for longer or
shorter periods. Sometimes these fatherless groups braved the
severities of the winter season in order to reach the goal of
safety and loyalty where fugitive or exiled kindred already
awaited them.
Many of these refugees were from Charlotte and Tryon counties
and the city of Albany in New York state, while a smaller
proportion came from New England. Not a few — probably no
less than 1800 — had enlisted under Burgoyne, but had been
left at the catastrophe to look after themselves. In truth, Burgoyne
blamed his Tory contingent for his defeat, and completely
ignored it in his articles of capitulation. This deliberate neglect
was partly remedied by the Tories themselves, for, the
night before the surrender at Saratoga, some of them decided
to make their escape, and struck out through the woods or followed
the Indian paths to Canada. Others, however, awaited
the formal capitulation, and consequently did not find another
opportunity of getting to the desired haven for weeks or months
afterward. As Burgoyne carried with him blank commissions
under which to enrol new regiments of refugees, and as he detached
Baum's men in order to fill these regiments, his treatment
of the loyalists must be regarded as reprehensible to the
last degree.
Later on, expeditions were sent out for the express purpose
of rescuing parties of loyalists from hostile communities. At
least three such expeditions were authorized by Governor Haldimand
for the year 1780. Two of these were led by Sir John
Johnson who delivered 150 loyalists from the Mohawk Valley
on his first incursion but was thwarted by the Americans on his
second, the Tories being confined in the forts while the danger
lasted. The third expedition, under Majors Carleton and
Houghton, succeeded in bringing in a number of families from
south of Lake George, in whose train others followed, including
one group of "about 230 souls."2 These and the other expedients
of border warfare produced results as unmistakable
as they were dreadful: they finally reduced the border lands
to a state of desolation. A year and a half before the close of
the war it was estimated that Tryon County alone had lost two-thirds
of its inhabitants, of whom 613 were reported as having
deserted. Of those remaining, 380 were widows with a proportionate
number of fatherless children. The number of farms
left uncultivated was placed at 12,000.3 In March, 1783, the
single district of Montreal, which lay just north of New York
state, contained its maximum number of refugees (not including
enlisted loyalists), namely, 1,700, who were distributed at
17 posts and magazines within the district. During the following
summer, fleets of transports sailed up the river St. Lawrence
on their way from New York City to Quebec, bearing over
1,300 more. Seven hundred of the latter were sent on to Sorel,
a fortified place at the mouth of the Richelieu, where they remained
until lands could be assigned them for permanent settlement.
This took place during the year 1784. A census of
that year shows that approximately 5,500 disbanded troops and
loyalists received grants in the province of Quebec. Of these
about one-fourth were settled east of the St. Lawrence, that is,
at 3 posts on the Richelieu, and on the eastern and southern
shores of the Gaspe Peninsula. Most of the others, or about
3,000 married and single men, were sent up the St. Lawrence,
being assigned lands in a series of townships laid out for them
west of Montreal in what is now the province of Ontario. The
residue either scattered among the older communities or, despite
the opposition of Haldimand, located on seigniorial lands along
the Vermont frontier. Immigration continued during the subsequent
years, the English population in Lower Canada reaching
about 20,000 by 1791, due chiefly to the influx of loyalists.
The process of segregating this element from New Hampshire,
Vermont, and eastern New York, which was performed by the
military posts of Lower Canada, was duplicated for the back
country by Fort Niagara and Detroit. At Fort Niagara this
process began soon after Captain John Butler arrived there
from Montreal in November, 1775, accompanied by several other
refugees from Tryon County As a devoted loyalist, an experienced
leader of war parties, and an interpreter at Indian
councils, Butler was well qualified to transform Niagara into a
hotbed of Toryism, to help win the active support of the Six
Nation Indians, and conduct operations against the border settlements.
From among the loyalists who took shelter at the fort
and those brought in by his emissaries, he began the organization
of a corps of rangers, which the authorities at Quebec decided
should consist of 8 companies. Despite losses and occasional
desertions, he had 6 full companies enrolled by December,
1778. Two months later (February 12) over 1,300 persons were
drawing rations at Fort Niagara, of whom 445 were Indians and
64 were members of "distressed families," chiefly from the Mohawk
Valley. After Sullivan's raid up the Genesee River, the
number of savages at the post increased to more than 5,000 (September
21, 1779), and as Sullivan had destroyed 40 Indian villages
with their fields of maize, 3,000 of these aboriginees found
themselves homeless and dependent on Niagara for clothing and
provisions all winter. A scarcity of supplies, the severity of the
season, and starvation brought the only relief possible to many.
Another consequence of Sullivan's raid appears to have been
the approximate completion of Butler's Rangers, notwithstanding
the earlier casualties in every company. If space permitted,
I might tell further of the constant arrival of fugitives at the
fort from various quarters, including the Ohio country. Suffice
it to say that on October 1, 1783, there were 2,000 troops, loyalists,
and Indians at Niagara, of whom about one-half were loyalists.4
This number probably did not include the inhabitants of a
refugee settlement which had been begun 3 years before by
Haldimand's instructions on the west side of the Niagara River.
That settlement was still small, numbering scarcely more than a
hundred persons at the beginning of December, 1783.5 In June
of the following year, Butler's regiment was disbanded and the
little colony opposite the fort suddenly gained a population of
620 rangers and others.6 By the end of another twelvemonth the
increase amounted to 20 per cent more, or a total of 770.7
Meanwhile, before the close of the year 1784, most of the Six Nations,
or Iroquois Confederacy, had removed to the reservation which
had been set apart for them along the Grand River. This lay
west of the Niagara colony, its settlers numbering about 1,000,
not counting a few disbanded soldiers who made their homes
among the Indians. Another reservation, situated on the north
side of Lake Ontario near Cataraqui (now Kingston), was occupied
by a part of the Mohawk tribe.
For the expanse of country at the west end of Lake Erie, Detroit
served the same purposes during the period as Fort Niagara
at the east end: it was the center of tribal gatherings, the
asylum of Tory refugees, and the source of successive raids into
Ohio, Kentucky, and Virginia. In March, 1777, Sir Henry Hamilton,
the lieutenant governor at Detroit, was empowered to raise
as many loyalists and savages as possible to send out against
the neighboring communities. From this time may be dated the
embodiment of the corps known as the "Detroit Volunteers,"
which gained leadership on the arrival, in 1778, of Simon Girty,
Matthew Elliot, and Alexander McKee, all of whom were fugitives
from Fort Pitt. Girty in particular was the instigator of
war parties in which the Wyandot and other tribes cooperated
with the royalists in harrying the frontier and gathering in
adherents of the crown. When peace returned the colonization
of the region east of the Detroit River followed. The officers
commanding the king's ships on Lake Erie were soon authorized
to transport free of expense such disbanded loyalists as chose to
settle at the mouth of the river just named. At the same time
McKee, Girty, and a few others, including Captain William Caldwell
of Butler's Rangers, secured from the Ottawa Indians deeds
to Colchester and Gosfield townships (known as "The Two Connected
Townships") on the lake front and opened them to colonization.
Under the rule that grants of this sort could be
made only by the crown, the Indians were induced to reconvey
these districts to the Canadian government; and in 1788, Major
Mathews, who had been sent from Quebec to Detroit for the
purpose, laid out the two townships in 109 lots, and confirmed
the original squatters in their possessions, although the final adjustment
was not reached until five years later. During this
period a land board, whose members were chiefly American loyalists,
was in control, carrying on surveys on Lake Erie and the
Detroit and Thames rivers, correcting conflicting claims and
making grants. Those who were to have participated in the
formation of "The New Settlement" in the townships on the
lake were to have received provisions and tools, like loyalist settlers
elsewhere; but long delays discouraged many, and the promoters
of the settlement were forced to witness the return of
perhaps a hundred or more to the states. Others, who had
drawn lots in The Two Connected Townships, preferred to locate
on the River Thames, where the soil was of a better quality.
Thus, the land board of the district of Hesse had plenty
to do in dealing with the accumulation of nearly 300 petitions
that were before it in 1791. The New Settlement began about
five miles east of the Detroit River and extended for a distance
three times as great along Lake Erie. The region next to the
river remained for a time unsettled, partly because of its marshy
character and partly on account of doubtful claims. In January,
1793, however, Lieutenant Governor Simcoe and his council
took action constituting this tract the township of Malden and
granting it to McKee, Elliot, and Caldwell, while at the same
time confirming the possession of those settlers who had already
made improvements there.8
In the spring of 1791, when Patrick McNiff, deputy surveyor
at Detroit, laid out four townships on the River Thames, two on
each side of the stream, he found twenty-eight families already
there. These people appear not to have been molested, presumably
on account of their previous adherence and services to the
crown, and by February, 1793, the land board had granted certificates
for all the lots surveyed in this region, extending to two and
one-half townships in length. Among those who found homes
here and in The New Settlement was a considerable group of
Butler's men. Other refugees took up lands along the Detroit
and St. Clair rivers, and in localities nearby. The trials of these
people in obtaining lands is illustrated by the experience of
Frederick Arnold, who chose lots for himself and his son on the
Thames at the time of the survey, but testified before the land
board in the fall of the same year (1791) that these lots had been
occupied by others. He also testified that he had brought in
twenty-five families in 1784, none of whom had yet been able to
"procure an establishment on the King's waste lands" and were
threatening to return to the states.9
Another movement of loyalists into the Lake Erie region that
can be definitely traced resulted in the colonization of Long
Point. As early as September, 1792, Lieutenant Governor Simcoe
proposed a plan for a military settlement here, stating that
those to be brought in should be brave and determined loyalists.
Although this project was approved by the British government
several years later, it was frustrated by Governor General Dorchester
who objected on the score of the needless expense involved.
Meantime, a few squatters, mostly loyalists, had wandered
in and, finding the region to their taste, had cleared farms
for themselves to which they were not able to secure legal title.
It was not, indeed, until Simcoe had departed for England (in
1796) that proclamations were issued inviting settlers into this
district, and appealing especially to the United Empire loyalists.
The immigrants who responded were chiefly of this class
from Lower Canada and New Brunswick, the great majority
having lived in the latter province for a decade or longer. Some
came by land, following the Indian trails; but most of them came
in open boats, coasting along the northern shores of Lake Ontario
and Lake Erie. If courage and determination were deemed
necessary qualifications for the pioneers of Norfolk County,
surely these qualities cannot be denied to the forty-seven families
who are known to have made the long and hazardous journey
to Long Point between the years 1792 and 1812 and to have
distributed themselves throughout five of its townships.10
Before 1783 there had been but little settlement in Upper Canada;
but the closing year of the Revolution witnessed the arrival
in this section of 10,000 loyalists; during 1784 this population
doubled, and by 1791 it was estimated at 25,000. The records
of the land office of Ontario indicate that no less than
3,200,000 acres had been granted to this class of people who had
settled in Upper Canada before 1787.11
It is, of course, significant
that in 1791 Parliament passed the Constitutional Act separating
the western province from the old province of Quebec.
If now we turn to those towns on the Atlantic coast which the
British held for longer or shorter periods, we find that they also
were the asylums of refugees, a fact made clear as they were
successively evacuated. There were, to be sure, flights of individuals
and families in considerable numbers from these coast
towns from 1774 on. When Judge Samuel Curwen, a refugee
from Salem, Massachusetts, arrived in London in July, 1775,
he found — to use his own words — "an army of New Englanders"
already there. A month later he wrote to another fugitive
from Massachusetts, who with wife and children had gone to
Halifax, that the "army" of exiles in London were "lamenting
their own and their country's unhappy fate."12
Evidently, then, the English metropolis was already a city of refuge for many
American loyalists, and Halifax was beginning to shelter some of
the same class. Only seven months later, however, the capital of
Nova Scotia was to experience such a visitation of refugees as
London itself had probably not yet experienced; for when Howe's
fleet sailed from Boston in March, 1776, it was accompanied by
over eleven hundred hapless exiles. As Lieutenant Governor
Oliver had carefully estimated the number of loyalists
under his charge towards the end of the previous January
at "upwards of 2,000," we may fairly suppose that many anticipated
the evacuation by an earlier departure to Nova Scotia,
to Penobscot, or to Great Britain. Three weeks after the arrival
of the Boston contingent in Halifax, Oliver wrote to Lord
George Germain of the colonial office describing the distressing situation
of his proteges in Nova Scotia, forced as they were to
pay "six fold the usual Rent" for miserable lodgings and
"more than double the former price for every Necessary of
Life." Such relief as could be had came only from the abundant
supply of fish in the harbor and the issuance of fuel and provisions
to loyalists as well as soldiers. The result was that
many of the principal refugees applied to Howe forthwith for a
passage to Europe at the expense of government, and were
promised the first transport that could be spared for the purpose.13
Ample evidence shows that various companies of Bostonians
sailed from this port for England at different times,
their successive arrivals being recorded by Curwen and by
Hutchinson, the refugee governor of Massachusetts, from early
in June to near the close of July, 1776.14 Philadelphia, at its
evacuation, witnessed the departure of almost three times the
number carried by Howe to Halifax. So great was the concourse
of inhabitants which withdrew from this place that the
fleet in the Delaware could accommodate none of the evacuating
troops, who took up the line of march for New York City. The
fleet sailed for the same destination, which was already the
mecca of persecuted loyalists, northern and southern, and remained
so throughout the war.15
For some time William Knox, a Georgia loyalist who was
under-secretary in the colonial office in London, had cherished
the plan of establishing a separate province for these proscribed
fellow countrymen of his; and at length, in September, 1778,
General Clinton was ordered to secure a post on the Penobscot
River as the first step to that end. In the following June and
July, the post was duly established and soon became, in the
picturesque language of the Massachusetts leaders, a "viperine
nest" which they tried to destroy, though without success. The
fortress attracted Tories and their kindred from Maine and
Massachusetts, became crowded to overflowing, and a village
of substantial cottages, with wharves and stores, sprang up under
its shadow. When the contest ended, Massachusetts was
able to obtain by the unyielding diplomacy of her son, John
Adams, what she had not secured by military siege: Penobscot
was surrendered by the British, and a hundred and fifty families,
together with part of the garrison, were removed to Passamaquoddy
Bay, there to be joined by various associations of loyalists
from New York and elsewhere. As most of these groups
were still within disputed territory, a boundary question arose
which was not solved for many years.16 Knox's scheme of a
loyalist province failed, it is true, but it is also true that the
people who were its beneficiaries participated in the settlement
and organization of a greater loyalist province a little to the
eastward of the one proposed, namely, the province of New
Brunswick.
At the time when Passamaquoddy was settled. New Brunswick
was still a part of Nova Scotia, and as such shared with
that province in the great immigration from New York. According
to the official enumeration of the British commissary
general, dated November 24, 1783, 29,244 persons sailed from
that port for various parts of Nova Scotia,17 Of this number
about 12,000, including 11 royalist corps, settled north of the
Bay of Fundy; and before another year elapsed succeeded in
having that region erected into an independent province. Meanwhile,
the remaining or peninsular portion of Nova Scotia gained
17,300 colonists, all from New York, besides 5,000 or more from
other quarters. Their settlements, of which upwards of a score
may be counted, took form chiefly along the southern shore of
the peninsula; and a large part of the lumber, with which they
built their habitations, was supplied by the industry and commercial
enterprise of their fellow exiles at Passamaquoddy Bay.
Only a few hundreds of the southern loyalists went to the
maritime provinces. The early reverses which the British suffered
in Virginia sent Governor Dunmore and numbers of his
sympathizers aboard the shipping at Norfolk in December,
1775. After a delay of nearly eight months the crowded vessels
set sail for various destinations, one for Glasgow, others for
England, and still others for Antigua, Bermuda, and East
Florida. About the same time refugees from the Carolinas and
Georgia began finding their way into the two Floridas, many
taking service in the provincial regiments there. At length,
in July and December, 1782, the evacuations of Savannah and
Charleston, respectively, took place. Three months after the
former event a census showed that the population of East Florida
had been nearly doubled by the influx of 3,340 whites and
blacks from Georgia, exclusive of those who had arrived before
the evacuation. Simultaneously with this census, numbers of
loyalists, military and civilian, began embarking from Charleston
for St. Augustine, among these being the North and South
Carolina regiments and a body of merchants and planters. Then,
on December 14, came the formal evacuation of Charleston, with
the result of the sudden trebling of the population of East Florida;
and by May, 1783 (according to the figures of General McArthur,
who was in command in that province) it quadrupled,
reaching a total of 16,000, of whom McArthur estimated 5,400
were whites and 9,600, blacks. In the meantime, the merchants
who had come in were accommodated with houses in St. Augustine,
the planters were placed on unoccupied lands in the country,
and a little town sprang up at the bluff on St. John's River.
As provisions and tools were badly needed the authorities exerted
themselves to furnish these supplies.
Thus far, in considering the withdrawal of the British from
Charleston and Savannah I have accounted for less than half
of the numbers who left these two ports, for in each case less
than half went to East Florida Of the 7,000 who sailed from
Savannah, Governor Wright, other officers, and part of the garrison
disembarked at Charleston; General Alured Clark and
part of the British regulars sailed for New York, and the remainder —
loyalists and their Negroes — proceeded to Jamaica.
Of the 9,121 persons, white and black, who left Charleston (not
counting the troops) nearly 3,900 embarked for Jamaica; 470,
for Halifax, and smaller numbers for St. Lucia, England, and
New York. The Georgians and Carolinians who settled in
Jamaica were joined by other refugees from Honduras and the
Mosquito Coast, from Pensacola and St. Augustine, from New
York City, and after 1785 from Shelburne in Nova Scotia. The
fact that Jamaica made a gain of 11,500 white inhabitants alone
between the years 1775 and 1787 is explained in no small degree
by the continual inflow of American loyalists during that period.
Several of the smaller islands of the British West Indies (St.
Lucia, St. Christopher, Antigua, and probably others) experienced
accessions that were relatively large for them.
The conquest of West Florida by the Spanish in May, 1781,
resulted in the departure of many of its provincial defenders to
New York City and of a few to Jamaica, as already mentioned.
After the treaty of Versailles, by which both East and West
Florida were ceded to Spain and the Bahamas were obtained in
exchange, the loyalists in the eastern province were left only the
choice between submitting to Spanish rule and preserving their
fealty by withdrawing to a British possession. What was more
natural, then, than that the Bahamas should be regarded as the
true Land of Canaan by the thousands awaiting a second or even
a third expatriation in East Florida. But this did not prove to
be the case. The loyalists did not propose to pass through the
ordeal of another general exodus without adequate knowledge
of their destination in advance. Meanwhile, two shiploads departed
for England. At length, in the fall of 1783, Lieutenant
Wilson of the engineers was dispatched from St. Augustine to
make the round of the Bahama Islands and report on their availability
for colonization. His report was reassuring: it ascribed
their uncultivated condition to the indolence of the inhabitants,
who it declared contented themselves with whatever nature produced
by her unaided efforts. The opportune arrival of some
government transports (September 12) started the movement,
and from that time a steady stream of refugees poured into the
Bahamas, unoccupied lands being granted them free of quit
rents for ten years. Upwards of fifteen hundred persons
from St. Augustine engaged to settle on Great Abaco Island,
and we know that an almost equal number embarked at
New York for the same place in August and September, 1783.
New Providence, Cat, Long, and Crooked islands, and doubtless
others, profited by this migration; but it is difficult to arrive at
a correct estimate of the total increase of the Bahama population
due to this movement, A committee of the House of Assembly
of the islands reported in 1789 that the increase for the
years 1784 and 1785 amounted to twelve hundred loyalists and
thirty-six hundred colored people, the latter brought in by the
former; but we are not informed how many came in during 1783.
Perhaps it is safe to say that the Bahamas gained between six
thousand and seven thousand of both races as the result of the
exodus from the mainland.18 It
has been estimated that before
1783 England received about two thousand from New York
alone;19 but it should not
be forgotten that other American
ports, both northern and southern, together contributed certainly
no less a number before the war closed, and that needy Tories
from over the sea continued to seek financial relief in London
for some years after the war In this paper only casual reference
has been made to the political and other effects of the dispersion
of the American loyalists. Without attempting to discuss
this subject at the present time, it must suffice to say merely
that the accession of these people marked an epoch in the history
of Jamaica and the Bahamas, the maritime provinces, and
Lower and Upper Canada. Their work was essentially that of
sturdy pioneers and political organizers; and, while their strain
lasts, England need have no fears concerning the loyalty of her
American provinces.
Wilbur H. Siebert
Ohio State University
Columbus
——————————
1. This paper was read at the meeting of the American Historical Association at
Charleston, South Carolina, December 30, 1913.
2. See the author's paper on "The American Loyalists in the Eastern Seigniories
and Townships of the Province of Quebec," in Royal Society of Canada, Transactions, 1913.
3. F. W. Halsey, The Old New York Frontier, 1614-1800 (New York, 1901), 313.
4. E. Cruikshank, Butler's Rangers and the Settlement of Niagara (Welland, 1893), 27 et se; F. H. Severance, Old Trails on the Niagara Frontier (2d ed.,
Cleveland, 1903), 56 et seq.
5. Canadian Archives, B. 169: 1.
6. Canadian Archives, B. 168: 38-41.
7. Ibid.
8. A. Fraser, Third Report of the Bureau of Archives for the Province of Ontario, 1905 (Toronto, 1906), 222, 223.
9. Fraser, Third Report Bureau of Archives, 152.
10. Ontario Historical Society, Papers and Records, 2: 43-47, 68, 69.
11. Fraser, Third Report Bureau of Archives, passim,
12. Samuel Curwen, Journal and Letters (G. A. Ward, ed. — New York, 1845), 31, 34.
13. R. Frothingham, History of the Siege of Boston (Boston, 1849), 311, 312; Lieutenant Governor Thomas Oliver to the Earl of Dartmouth, Public Record Office,
Colonial Office, 5.21:297; Lieutenant Governor Oliver to Lord George Germain, Halifax,
April 21, 1776, ibid., 5.21: 159.
14. Siebert, The Flight of American Loyalists to the British Isles (Columbus, 1911), 6, 7.
15. Ibid., 8, 9.
16. S. F. Batchelder, The Life and Surprising Adventures of John Nutting, Cambridge Loyalist (Cambridge, 1912) ; G. A. Wheeler, Castine, Past and Present, the
Ancient Settlement of Pentagoet, and the Modern Town (Boston, 1896), 311-313;
Maine Historical Society, Collections, ser. 2, vol. 1:395-400; W. F. Ganong, "A
Monograph of the Evolution of the Boundaries of the Province of New Brunswick,"
in Royal Society of Canada, Transactions, ser. 2, vol. 7, sec, 2.
17. Fraser, Second Report of the Bureau of Archives for the Province of Ontario, 1904 (Toronto, 1905), 11.
18. Siebert, "Legacy of the American Revolution to the British West Indies and
Bahamas" (Ohio State University, Bulletin, 17, no. 27 [Columbus, 1913]).
19. A. C. Flick, Loyalism in New York during the American Revolution (New
York, 1901).